Seri Kompilasi Kajian Ilmiah Genosida 1965-1966
Asvi Warman Adam,Baskara T. Wardaya, Ariel Heryanto,Robert Cribb, Annie Pohlman, John Roosa, Saksia Wieringa, Katharine McGregor, Peter Dale Scott, Benedict Anderson, Vannessa Hearman, Jess Melvin, Noam Chomsky, Bradley Simpson, Geoffrey Robinson, Greg Poulgrain, Alex de Jong, Andre Vltchek, Taomo Zhou , Soe Tjen Marching, Peter Kasenda, Aiko Kurasawa,Vijay Prashad,, Akihisa Matsuno , Ruth Indiah Rahayu, Nathaniel Mehr, Adam Hughes Henry , Henri Chambert-Loir, Wim F.Wertheim, Steven Farram, Sri Lestari Wahyuningroem , Joss Wibisono, Leslie Dwyer – Degung Santikarma, Vincent Bevins,Wijaya Herlambang, Budiawan, Ong Hok Ham, Rex Mortimer, Olle Törnquist, Max Lane, Hilmar Farid , Michael G. Vann , Gerry van Klinken, Grace Leksana, Ken Setiawan, Ayu Ratih, Yosef Djakababa, Aan Anshori, Muhammad Al-Fayyadl, Roy Murtadho, Deirdre Griswold , David T. Hill, Yoseph Yapi Taum, Aboeprijadi Santoso, Adrian Vickers, John Gittings, Jemma Purdey, Henk Schulte Nordholt, Martijn Eickhoff, Made Surpriatma, Dahlia Gratia Setiyawan, Uğur Ümit Üngör, Manunggal Kusuma Wardaya, Gloria Truly Estrelita, Wulan Dirgantoro, Kar Yen Leong, Wulan Dirgantoro, Muhidin M. Dahlan, Dhianita Kusuma Pertiwi, Elsa Clavé, Justin L. Wejak, Douglas Kammen, Martin Suryajaya, Muhidin M Dahlan
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menjadi bibit penggulingan Presiden Sukarno itu sebanding dengan kekejaman Joseph Stalin di Rusia, Adolf Hitler di Jerman, atau Mao Zedong di RRC. Dalang di balik ini semua tak lain adalah rezim Soeharto, yang disebut Chomsky berkuasa dengan bantuan Badan Intelijen Pusat AS (CIA).
mencatat bantuan ini datang dari peraturan presiden AS Jimmy Carter pada 1978 maupun Bill Clinton pada 1993 dan 1998. Indonesia yang ramah investasi, kata Chomsky, jadi hadiah terbaik bagi Barat yang haus akan bahan mentah dan hasil tambang yang melimpah di Indonesia—termasuk Papua.
Washington’s Hand – Noam Chomsky
but as an organization defending the interests of the poor within the existing system,” developing a “mass base among the peasantry” through its “vigor in defending the interests of the . . . poor.”3 The US
embassy in Jakarta reported that it might not be possible to overcome the PKI “by ordinary democratic means,” so that “elimination” by
police and military might be undertaken. The Joint Chiefs of Staff urged that “action must be taken, including overt measures as required, to ensure either the success of the dissidents or the suppression of the pro-communist elements of the Sukarno government.”
other means to “eliminate” the country’s major political force. This
goal was achieved when Suharto took power in 1965, with Washington’s strong support and assistance. Army-led massacres wiped out the PKI and devastated its mass base in “one of the worst mass murders of the twentieth century,” comparable to the atrocities of Hitler, Stalin, and Mao, the CIA reported, judging “the Indonesian coup” to be “certainly one of the most significant events of the twentieth century.”5 Perhaps half a million or more were killed within a few months.
selengkapnya klik Indonesia, Master Card in Washington’s Hand
Karya Agustin Sibarani yang menjadi ilustrasi artikel Noam Chomsky Indonesia, Master Card in Washington’s Hand di Jornal Indonesia vol 66 terbitan Cornell University’s Southeast Asia Program.
Bloodbath’ in Indonesia: The United States, Britain and the Indonesian Killings
Violence Bloodbaths in Fact & Propaganda
Edward S. Herman
bab 3 Benign and Constructive Bloodbaths: East Pakistan, Burundi, and Indonesia
ebook lengkapnya bisa disimak di
a key role in this holocaust, doing a large part of the killing directly,
supplying trucks, weapons and encouragement to para-military and vigilante death squads, and actively stimulating an anti-Communist hysteria that contributed greatly to wholesale mass murder. This slaughter was described by the anti-Communist Indonesia expert Justus M. van der Kroef as “afrightful anti-Communist pogrom where, “it is to be feared, innocent victims of mere hearsay were killed” (as opposed, presumably, to the guilty Communist men, women and children who fully deserved their fate).  In 1968 there was a renewal of mass executions, and in one single case in early 1969 army and local civic guards in Central Java “were said to have killed some 3500 alleged followers of the PKI by means of blows of iron staves in the neck.” 
it was a period of “endless and often arbitrary arrests, brutalization of
prisoners, and an atmosphere of distrust in which exhibitions of violent
anti-communism are believed to be the best way to convince suspicious local military of one’s bona tides.” 
victims usually described merely as “Communists and sympathizers.”
Little mention was made of the large numbers of women and children massacred or the modes and details of the slaughter. For the leaders of the United Statesthis bloodbath was a plus. In a Freedom House advertisement in November, 1966,signed by “145 distinguished Americans” including Jacob Javits, Dean Acheson, Thomas D. Cabot, Harry Gideonse, Lewis E. Powell, Whitelaw Reid, Lincoln Bloomfield and Samuel Huntington, the events in Indonesia were treated
as follows.’ “It [the Vietnam intervention by the United States] provided
a shield for the sharp reversal of Indonesia’s shift toward Communism, whichhas removed the threats to Singapore and Malaysia.”  And in the statement on Asian policy sponsored by Freedom House and signed initially by 14 leading “moderate” political scientists and historians, the series of events that included the huge Indonesian bloodbath were described merely as “dramatic changes” implicitly constructive in character, although these scholars, as noted earlier, condemn “violence” as a mode of achieving social change.  This humanistic treatment was paralleled by that of the late Prime Minister of Australia, Harold Holt, who told the River Club of New York City in July 1966 that “with 500,000 to 1 million Communist sympathizers knocked off, I think’ it is safe to assume a reorientation has taken place.” 
academic, business and political leaders must turn their attention to more serious matters.
Asia, becoming its commercial and industrial center. That would in effect mean that the U.S. had lost its Pacific phase of World War II, which was fought to prevent Japan from developing what they called a New Order in Asia. Roughly like that. The U.S. in 1950 was not prepared to lose World War II, so that’s when they began a massive support of the French in Indochina. And then in 1958 Eisenhower carried out the biggest intervention so far in the post-war period: to try to split off the outer islands of Indonesia, where most of the natural
resources are, to get them under U.S. control.
They were afraid that if this continued, if there was a democratic process, the PKI would gain control. But the U.S. intervention failed. And we know what happened in 1965.