The aim of this article is to examine further the concept of collaboration in genocide and mass killings through the case study of anti-communist mass killings in Indonesia in 1965–66. High degree of civilian involvement in the killings has misled to a conclusion that the state (in this case, the Indonesian army) did not have a significant role in the killings. The Indonesian state and some scholars interpret the violence as a result of horizontal conflict between the communists and religious or nationalist groups; or violence that could not be generated an overarching pattern, because in some areas the army took the lead, while in other areas, it was the civilians. This article examines the killings in East Java, one of the provinces with a high death toll. Previous studies in this province conclude that civilians were dominant in taking actions against the communists and leftists. However, this does not mean that the army did not have a significant role in the violence. Through the analysis of the newly-accessed East Java military (Kodam V Brawijaya) archives collection, this article will show that although mass killings were executed by civilians in early October 1965 in East Java, they became coordinated and systematic under the military command since mid-October 1965. Readings on the archives strongly show that the military structurally facilitated the violence, while on the other hand, civilians collaborate with the military to remove Indonesian leftists. The collaboration in East Java shows a structurally coordinated move to persecute the communists.
Grace Leksana(Doktor Universitas Leiden/ Royal Netherlands Institute of South East Asia and Carribean Studies (KITLV)/ Netherlands Institute for War, Genocide and Holocaust Studies)
*Artikel ini merupakan salah satu bab dari disertasi yang berjudul “Embedded Remembering: Memory Culture of 1965 Violence in East Java’s Agrarian Society”.
“Embedded Remembering: Memory Culture of 1965 Violence in East Java’s Agrarian Society”.
This dissertation examines the dynamics of memory of violence in present-day society, by zooming in to memory of the anti-communist violence in Indonesia in 1965. The problem starts with the contrasting narrative about this particular event. On the one hand, the national narrative by the state commemorates the death of six generals and one low rank army officer during the September 30th Movement or Gerakan 30 September 1965/ G30S. The military accused the Indonesian Communist Party or Partai Komunis Indonesia/ PKI as the mastermind behind the movement. The movement was followed by a regime shift from Sukarno to Suharto in 1966. On the other hand, this new regime initiated a nation-wide purge against communists, leftists, and their affiliates in 1965-66 and in 1968 in some parts of East Java. This violent bloodbath continued to be excluded from Indonesia’s national historiography until today. They became the counter-narrative.This dissertation goes beyond this binary approach of state versus counter narrative. Through a case study in rural area of Donomulyo district in East Java, this research discovered that memories of violence are multi-layered. They are not exclusively determined by the repressive memory project of the state, but are actually embedded in social relations and local context where the violence occurred. Moreover, this case study shows that memories of violence did not diminish over time, not even under state repression. Narratives of violence travel within communities through stories of places, or sites of memory, and also through family narratives.
As Indonesians are moving further from 1965, scholars and activists are starting to raise awareness about the risk of ‘collective forgetting’: a state-induced situation in which the 1965-66 violence against the Left and communists would be largely forgotten. Whereas in national historiography there is still very little room for articulation of this past, I would argue that in the rural areas where most of the violence occurred, memories of violence remain very much alive today.
Riset terbaru tentang genosida intelektual yang dilakukan oleh Abdul Wahid, memperkirakan 115 orang dosen dan staf beserta 3.006 orang mahasiswa di UGM disingkirkan dan menjadi tapol. Ini tidak hanya terjadi di UGM, tetapi juga di universitas-universitas lain di Bandung, Padang, Medan dan Makassar. Bersamaan dengan itu, seluruh karya intelektual dan ide-ide mereka pun hilang, seperti yang dialami Jagus. Ini menjadi sebuah panggilan bagi kita untuk menggali kembali sumbangsih para pemikir dan innovator di masa lalu yang (di)hilang(kan). Kerugian terbesar bangsa Indonesia pasca 1965, selain kehilangan jutaan nyawa, adalah juga hilangnya ide-ide kreatif dan keberanian untuk melawan cengkeraman pasar. Kala nyawa tidak mampu dihidupkan kembali, yang bisa kita lakukan hanyalah memberikan tempat yang layak bagi karya para intelektual ini di dalam sejarah.
Road to Justice : State Crimes after Oct 1st 1965 (Jakartanicus)
Definisi yang diusulkan D. Nersessian (2010) untuk amandemen/ optional protocol Konvensi Anti-Genosida (1948) dan Statuta Roma (2000) mengenai Pengadilan Kejahatan Internasional. (disalin dari Harry Wibowo)