Edited by Be´atrice Pouligny, Simon Chesterman and Albrecht Schnabel
United Nations University Press
Salah satu babnya ditulis oleh Leslie Dwyer and Degung Santikarma terkait genosida 1965-1966 di Bali
Chapter 8 : Speaking from the shadows: Memory and mass violence in Bali – Leslie Dwyer and Degung Santikarma
Any attempt at facilitating reconciliation in the wake of mass crimes must address the place of memory.1 For it is memory that links past violence, betrayal and community fragmentation to the ongoing politics of the present, shaping the limits and possibilities of re-imagining social life. The relationship of memory to peace-building may, however, be far more complex than is often considered by policymakers and practitioners. Memory may offer a language of hope, a grounding for assertions of ‘‘never again’’, but memory may also provide the spark for continuing conflict. Memory can foster a sense of shared experience and community solidarity, and memory can feed feelings of persecution and revenge. Memory can provide the material through which social mechanisms – from ritual to myth to informal narrative to formal truth and reconciliation commissions – work to reconsider history and open discussion of the traumatic experiences of individuals and communities. And memory can be suppressed, channelled and transmuted into new forms of subjectivity that may both reproduce and recode relations of inequality, violence and terror.
**My research in Bali has been carried out in collaboration with the Balinese anthropologist Degung Santikarma.
One of the first questions motivating my research on the violence of 1965–66 in Bali, Indonesia, was that of silence. It was 1998, almost 35 years after the state-sponsored massacres of alleged communists had left some one million Indonesians dead and hundreds of thousands of others deprived of basic civil rights. Yet these events, and their deep repercussions, remained relatively unreferenced outside the communities they had devastated.1 In Bali, where some 80,000 to 100,000 people (or 5 to 8 percent of the population)2 had lost their lives over a span of less than six months, stories of the violence were rarely found in the guidebooks carried by the two million–plus tourists who by the turn of the 21st century were visiting the “Island of the Gods” each year. Neither did the substantial scholarly literature on Bali offer much insight into what had happened or what the continuing implications might be.3 Despite its domination by anthropologists, whose in-depth engagements with Balinese lives would seem likely to have turned up traces of violence, Balinese studies tended to echo official Indonesian histories by circumscribing and distancing the massacres as an extraordinary “incident” located safely in the past. Those few scholars who did mention 1965–66 tended to conclude that Balinese no longer wished to speak about this troubled time, having either forgotten, forgiven, worked through, or moved on from the past.4 Even among Balinese themselves there seemed to be little public acknowledgment of the massacres. Reference to them was missing from the national history textbooks,5 the Balinese media, and the pronouncements of public officials. Granted, when I began my research Indonesia was just emerging from over three decades of repressive rule, during which utterances perceived to be political risked harsh responses from the state. Yet by December 2002, four years after the fall of Suharto’s dictatorship and two months after terrorist bombs exploded in a crowded nightclub in one of Bali’s tourist districts, the 202 fatalities, mostly tourists, could be termed by the governor of Bali “the worst tragedy the island has experienced,” with few voices in the domestic or international media to contradict him.6 Similar settings of mass violence around the world had— if not immediately, then in the years and decades that followed—come to serve the public imagination as shorthand for human brutality: Armenia, Nazi Europe, Cambodia, Argentina, Guatemala, Bosnia, Rwanda, Sudan. Why, then, did 1965–66 seem to have disappeared not only from so-called expert attention but also from the lives of Balinese themselves? Were these silences indicative of an absence of interest or meaning? Or were they spaces of cultural and political signification with their own complex and contested genealogies? Starting from these questions, this essay—part of a larger collaborative research project on the aftermath of 1965–66 in Bali— explores some of the troubled terrain of postmassacre Bali, focusing on the processes of remembering and forgetting, and of speech and silence, that have marked it
film penuh, booklet panduan dan wawancara sutradara klik disini
tentang pengalaman Degung Santikarma sebagai saksi dan anak korban pembantaian massal 1965-1966 bisa disimak dalam film 40 Years of Silence : An Indonesian Tragedy
40 Years of Silence: An Indonesian Tragedy – Robert Lemelson
In one of the largest unknown mass-killings of the 20th century, an estimated 500,000 to 1,000,000 Indonesians were killed in 1965 when General Suharto began a purge of suspected “communists” through a complex and highly contested series of events–ultimately leading him to the presidency.
40 Years of Silence: An Indonesian Tragedy follows the compelling testimonies of four individuals and their families, as they break the silence with an intimate look at what it was like for survivors during Suharto’s New Order regime. Through their stories, the audience comes to understand the potential for retribution, rehabilitation, and reconciliation in modern-day Indonesia within this troubled historical context.
Sumber : http://40yearsofsilence.com/
Seri Kompilasi Kajian Ilmiah Genosida 1965-1966
Asvi Warman Adam,Baskara T. Wardaya, Ariel Heryanto,Robert Cribb, Annie Pohlman, John Roosa, Saksia Wieringa, Katharine McGregor, Peter Dale Scott, Benedict Anderson, Vannessa Hearman, Jess Melvin, Noam Chomsky, Bradley Simpson, Geoffrey Robinson, Greg Poulgrain, Alex de Jong, Andre Vltchek, Taomo Zhou , Soe Tjen Marching, Peter Kasenda, Aiko Kurasawa, Akihisa Matsuno , Ruth Indiah Rahayu, Nathaniel Mehr, Adam Hughes Henry , Henri Chambert-Loir, Wim F.Wertheim, Steven Farram, Sri Lestari Wahyuningroem , Joss Wibisono, Leslie Dwyer – Degung Santikarma, Vincent Bevins,Wijaya Herlambang, Budiawan, Ong Hok Ham, Rex Mortimer, Olle Törnquist, Max Lane, Hilmar Farid , Michael G. Vann , Gerry van Klinken, Grace Leksana, Ken Setiawan, Ayu Ratih, Yosef Djakababa, Aan Anshori, Muhammad Al-Fayyadl, Roy Murtadho, Deirdre Griswold , David T. Hill, Yoseph Yapi Taum, Aboeprijadi Santoso, Adrian Vickers, John Gittings, Jemma Purdey, Henk Schulte Nordholt, Martijn Eickhoff, Made Surpriatma, Dahlia Gratia Setiyawan, Uğur Ümit Üngör, Manunggal Kusuma Wardaya
simak 1300 ‘entry’ lainnya pada link berikut
Road to Justice : State Crimes after Oct 1st 1965 (Jakartanicus)
Definisi yang diusulkan D. Nersessian (2010) untuk amandemen/ optional protocol Konvensi Anti-Genosida (1948) dan Statuta Roma (2000) mengenai Pengadilan Kejahatan Internasional. (disalin dari Harry Wibowo)